<?xml version="1.0" encoding="UTF-8"?>
<feed xmlns="http://www.w3.org/2005/Atom" xmlns:dc="http://purl.org/dc/elements/1.1/">
<title>Archaeology and Anthropology</title>
<link href="http://hdl.handle.net/123456789/42" rel="alternate"/>
<subtitle/>
<id>http://hdl.handle.net/123456789/42</id>
<updated>2026-04-19T04:04:15Z</updated>
<dc:date>2026-04-19T04:04:15Z</dc:date>
<entry>
<title>TRANSPORTATION CHAOS ON LAGOS STREETS IN SELECTED WORKS OF LAGOS BASED VISUAL ARTISTS</title>
<link href="http://hdl.handle.net/123456789/1907" rel="alternate"/>
<author>
<name>AYEYEMI, Emmanuel Kolade</name>
</author>
<id>http://hdl.handle.net/123456789/1907</id>
<updated>2024-04-24T07:43:29Z</updated>
<published>2023-07-01T00:00:00Z</published>
<summary type="text">TRANSPORTATION CHAOS ON LAGOS STREETS IN SELECTED WORKS OF LAGOS BASED VISUAL ARTISTS
AYEYEMI, Emmanuel Kolade
Traffic gridlock is one of the features that define urbanism and complex spatial&#13;
configuration of the Lagos metropolis. Existing visual anthropological studies on&#13;
urban transportation system have focused on visual analytic approaches to the visual&#13;
accounts of travellers, and slogans printed on cars, buses and trucks, particularly&#13;
commercial vehicles. However, little attention has been paid to the diverse ways’&#13;
transportation disorder is represented in artistic works. This study, therefore, was&#13;
designed to explore the representation of transportation chaos on Lagos roads in the&#13;
paintings of selected Lagos based-visual artists, with a view to providing an&#13;
interpretive schema of the selected works.&#13;
Douglas Kiel and Euel Elliott’s Theory of Chaos, which states that instability and&#13;
disorder were essential to the evolution of complexity in the universe, was adopted as&#13;
the framework. The interpretive design was used. Sixteen paintings were purposively&#13;
sampled for thematic affinity, narrative and symbolic contents. They are Olokada,&#13;
Keke Marwa, The New Order, and BRT Lane by Festus Adeyemi; Old Oshodi, After&#13;
the Rain, Rail line Market, and At the River Side by Bolaji Ogunwo; Idumota, Morning&#13;
Rush, A Place I used to Know I, and A Place I used to Know II by Ishola Matthew,&#13;
Closing Time at Idumota, Before the Closing Hour, Busy Bus Stop, and Rush Hour in&#13;
Lagos Island by Dolapo Ogunnusi. The paintings were subjected to visual analysis.&#13;
Festus Adeyemi’s paintings, stylistically adopted the use of lines in creating forms to&#13;
depict the chaos associated with Okada and Marwa riders on Lagos streets. Olokada&#13;
and Keke Marwa depicted the disorder and confusion that pervaded the urban&#13;
transportation system, while New Order and BRT Lane indicated orderliness. Bolaji&#13;
Ogunwo, used textured surface of the canvas to showcase the chaotic experiences in&#13;
the old Oshodi and other areas in Lagos with clumsy driving activities. The shades of&#13;
colours authenticate the colour value in the works: After the rain and Rail line market.&#13;
Ishola Matthew creatively used very warm colour of blue and purple to demonstrate&#13;
the chaos on the streets of Lagos with combinations of light and dark symbolising&#13;
struggling and perpetual movement of vehicles in Lagos city. Unstable forms and&#13;
patterns, with heavy painting strokes in Idumota and A Place I Used to Know&#13;
described not just the population challenges in Lagos, but also the urban decline that&#13;
had resulted from transportation pressure. Dolapo Ogunnusi’s paintings actualised the&#13;
complication in urban Lagos transportation with vivid expression to the impatience of&#13;
drivers and other road users, which resulted in traffic gridlocks by structuring the&#13;
forms and contents to express Lagos transportation chaos. The theme of periodicity of&#13;
chaos was well elaborated in all the paintings where overlapping yellow buses&#13;
conveyed the vivid image of gridlock.&#13;
Transportation chaos on Lagos roads, and the values, which visual artists have&#13;
generated through paintings, represent instability and disorderliness in the urban public&#13;
space. The selected paintings were stylistic pieces embedded with artistic impression&#13;
of reality.
</summary>
<dc:date>2023-07-01T00:00:00Z</dc:date>
</entry>
<entry>
<title>GEOARCHAEOLOGICAL INVESTIGATION OF CITY WALL CONSTRUCTION TECHNOLOGY IN OYO ILE, OYO STATE, NIGERIA</title>
<link href="http://hdl.handle.net/123456789/1905" rel="alternate"/>
<author>
<name>ADEGOKE, Jimoh Niyi</name>
</author>
<id>http://hdl.handle.net/123456789/1905</id>
<updated>2024-04-24T07:40:05Z</updated>
<published>2023-08-01T00:00:00Z</published>
<summary type="text">GEOARCHAEOLOGICAL INVESTIGATION OF CITY WALL CONSTRUCTION TECHNOLOGY IN OYO ILE, OYO STATE, NIGERIA
ADEGOKE, Jimoh Niyi
Oyo-Ile, the capital of the Old Oyo Empire located on the extreme northwest of presentday Yorubaland, Nigeria was an important polity in West Africa between the 16th and 19th&#13;
centuries A.D. The city walls, in their current conditions, are in need of restoration towards&#13;
conservation of the wall system. Previous archaeological investigations on the palace walls&#13;
had focused on their circumference, the areas covered, description of the types of walls,&#13;
and elucidation of their functions. However, limited attention has been paid to construction&#13;
techniques, the composition of materials used, and the mode of emplacement of the&#13;
artefacts found in the walls. The aim of the study was to investigate the construction&#13;
techniques, the composition of the sediment used, and the mode of emplacement of the&#13;
potsherds in the wall.&#13;
A cross-section excavation was conducted on the palace wall remains which enabled the&#13;
examination of the stratigraphy of the excavated units and the techniques used to build the&#13;
wall and its foundation, and the collection of artefacts, and sediment samples. The sediment&#13;
samples collected were subjected to granulometric analysis to determine their grain size.&#13;
The pH, exchangeable cations of the sediments were determined by standard methods and&#13;
minerals of the clay were determined from thin section. The mode of incorporation of the&#13;
potsherds into the wall was determined using pottery analysis.&#13;
Stratigraphy of the excavation showed the composition of the soil to be lateritic clay&#13;
comprising a very fine-grained gravely sand thoroughly kneaded with plant fibres. The&#13;
construction technique of the palace wall was no more traceable because the wall has been&#13;
reduced to a massive hillock. The colour characteristics of the sediments ranged from&#13;
reddish gray, yellowish red to reddish brown. The pH of the sediments ranged from 5.5-&#13;
7.5, and was consistent with the pH of the “brownearths” soil type characteristic of mixed&#13;
deciduous woodland zone within which Oyo-Ile is located. The sediment was stable and&#13;
resistant to erosion by the nature of its mineral assemblages (Quartz, Garnet, Tourmaline,&#13;
Rutile and Rock fragment) and exchange cations (K+, Na+, Ca2+, and Mg2+). The potsherds&#13;
were crude and poorly fired with thickness of 0.5-1.2 cm. The sherds were mainly&#13;
undecorated and their emplacement in the wall remains was evenly spread across the&#13;
stratigraphic layers. The features of the potsherds were not consistent with those used for&#13;
domestic, ritual or industrial purposes; rather the sherds were intentionally added to the&#13;
palace wall during construction&#13;
The palace wall at Oyo-Ile was built directly on a lateritic ground as its foundation.&#13;
However, the specific technique used to construct the palace wall could not be established.&#13;
Potsherds were deliberately mixed with the sediments to strengthen the wall.
</summary>
<dc:date>2023-08-01T00:00:00Z</dc:date>
</entry>
<entry>
<title>JÁLÀBÍ PRACTICE OF MUSLIM CLERICS AND THE HERMENEUTICS OF PRAYER COMMODIFICATION IN IBADAN, NIGERIA</title>
<link href="http://hdl.handle.net/123456789/1814" rel="alternate"/>
<author>
<name>MUDASIRU, MORUFF</name>
</author>
<id>http://hdl.handle.net/123456789/1814</id>
<updated>2024-04-18T16:04:00Z</updated>
<published>2022-12-01T00:00:00Z</published>
<summary type="text">JÁLÀBÍ PRACTICE OF MUSLIM CLERICS AND THE HERMENEUTICS OF PRAYER COMMODIFICATION IN IBADAN, NIGERIA
MUDASIRU, MORUFF
Jálàbí, the Islamic petitionary prayer is deployed by Muslim clerics to render spiritual&#13;
services to individuals and groups in a manner that forges a transactional relationship&#13;
between the parties. Existing anthropological studies of everyday religious experiences have&#13;
focused more on the dynamics of the “prayer economy” rather than the hermeneutics of such&#13;
engagements, including Jálàbí. This study was, therefore, designed to explore the practices&#13;
of Jálàbí, in Ibadan, a city with a considerably large Muslim population, with a view to&#13;
determining the cultural meanings embedded in commodified prayers.&#13;
Hans-Georg Gadamer’s Cultural Hermeneutics and Kitiarsa Pattana’s Religious&#13;
Commodification Theory were adopted as the framework, while the ethnographic design&#13;
was used. Qualitative data were obtained through participant observation, interview of 86&#13;
informants randomly selected at locations of Islamic events, and in-depth interview of 10&#13;
Oníjálàbí clerics who were purposively selected based on their long years of experience in&#13;
Jálàbí, practice, advanced age, and pedigree in the Ibadan Muslim community. Data were&#13;
analysed using the ethnographic description.&#13;
Jálàbí practice in Ibadan was borne out of historical and pragmatic considerations that&#13;
enabled the intervention of Islamic spirituality to contribute to the development of the city.&#13;
The practice manifests in different religious functions and events such as naming&#13;
ceremonies (‘aqīqah), Fidāu (funeral) prayers, Walīmatu-khatmil Qur’ān (Qur’ān&#13;
graduation ceremonies), Islamic chieftaincy honours, and individual’s everyday quest for&#13;
success and security. Meanings embedded in commodified petitionary prayers are&#13;
engendered by the material forms through which Oníjálàbí operationalise (istikhārah,&#13;
Khatim Waqf, Ilmul Falaky or akosejaye, and Qira’āti Subhah, among others) and the ethos&#13;
of reciprocity and gratification that underlies the practice. Jálàbí, practice accords to prayer&#13;
the same significance as food, which nourishes the human body and hence constitutes an&#13;
item to be purchased with money. In Jálàbí, prayer is an important path to accessing Allah’s&#13;
favour that requires monetary gratification for efficacy and prompt response. Moreover, the&#13;
money given as Sadaqah (free-will alms), is a catalyst that not only facilitates easy access to&#13;
connect with Allah but also acts as security and protection from evil attacks and other&#13;
misfortunes. In naming ceremonies, monetary donations made by the congregation in&#13;
exchange for petitionary prayers are meant to literally buy barakah (divine blessings) for the&#13;
newborn baby. Money collected during Qur’ān graduation ceremonies (Walīmatu-khatmil&#13;
Qur’ān) is interpreted in the context of fees paid for knowledge acquisition and a way of&#13;
giving back to the clerics. Jálàbí, prayer intercessions are equated with traditional native&#13;
medicines whose value and effectiveness are believed to be proportional to the amount&#13;
expended.&#13;
The commodification involved in the petitionary prayer of the Oníjálàbí and their clients&#13;
(religious consumers) goes beyond economic transactions in Ibadan, Nigeria. It also&#13;
illustrates the spiritual values which people placed on prayers as human security and a&#13;
weapon against earthly principalities in a precarious state.
</summary>
<dc:date>2022-12-01T00:00:00Z</dc:date>
</entry>
<entry>
<title>ECO-CULTURAL VALUES OF THE ARCHITECTURE OF  FULANI HOMESTEADS IN OKE-OGUN, OYO STATE,  NIGERIA</title>
<link href="http://hdl.handle.net/123456789/1452" rel="alternate"/>
<author>
<name>OLARINMOYE, ADEYINKA WULEMAT</name>
</author>
<id>http://hdl.handle.net/123456789/1452</id>
<updated>2022-02-22T12:28:12Z</updated>
<published>2021-06-01T00:00:00Z</published>
<summary type="text">ECO-CULTURAL VALUES OF THE ARCHITECTURE OF  FULANI HOMESTEADS IN OKE-OGUN, OYO STATE,  NIGERIA
OLARINMOYE, ADEYINKA WULEMAT
The discourse of nomadism and its attendant socio-economic implications is a central &#13;
theme in the ethnography of the Fulani. Existing anthropological studies have focused on &#13;
the socio-economy of cattle herding and settlement patterns, devoting little or no attention &#13;
to the ecological and cultural significance of the unique architecture of the Fulani &#13;
homesteads. This study was, therefore, designed to investigate the adaptiveness of the &#13;
homesteads of Fulani settlers, with a view to determining the roles that stable and &#13;
sedentary lifestyles play in the evolution of their architecture.&#13;
Acculturation Theory was adopted as framework, while the ethnographic design was used. &#13;
Tede, Shaki, and Iseyin in Oke-Ogun area in Oyo State were purposively selected for the &#13;
study because of its large population of Fulani settlers. Qualitative data were obtained &#13;
through participant observation, thirteen key informant interviews conducted with elderly &#13;
Fulani in the selected communities, 7 Focus Group Discussions sessions with young men, &#13;
and In-depth interviews with ninety-six randomly selected residents. Data were analysed &#13;
using ethnographic description.&#13;
Fulani settlers in the Oke-Ogun area evolved a unique category of architectural designs &#13;
that distinguished their dwelling places from those of the host communities. The &#13;
architectural forms depicted a process of incorporation triggered by a combination of &#13;
environmental and cultural factors such as climate change and building technology. Three &#13;
forms of design―traditional, hybrid and contemporary―attested to contending forces of &#13;
conservatism and modernisation. In terms of settlement pattern, buildings were still &#13;
arranged in a patri-local fashion whereby the homestead place of the oldest male member&#13;
of the household became the centre of activities and around which other buildings were &#13;
organised. Elements of cultural continuity occurred in the retention of the “baa shiga” (no &#13;
entry) model, although this is disappearing in recently built homesteads. Huts were &#13;
deliberately located with precisions in ways that fostered relationships and social &#13;
interactions among members. And with the scarcity of the preferred Beere (elephant &#13;
grass), used for building, Fulani settlers employed all sorts of fudo (grass) and other &#13;
synthetic materials in the construction of their homesteads. The grass for building are no &#13;
longer imported from Ilorin as used to be the case, but are now cultivated locally. There is &#13;
significant movement away from the cylindrical form of housing construction to square &#13;
shape form of their Yoruba host. Socio-cultural values embedding religion, gender, &#13;
economy and ecology were retained in the architectural designs of settlements and &#13;
building styles. The social imagery of their public space is largely Northern in appearance &#13;
and in feel, depicting an Islamic motif and ambience.&#13;
There is evidence of acculturation process going on among the settled Fulani in Oke Ogun; which suggests that Fulani are amenable to changes within their eco-cultural &#13;
system. These changes are responses to local climatic conditions and influence of gradual &#13;
assimilation of Oke-Ogun culture. The design of their new architecture will be of value to &#13;
cultural interchange in Nigeria.
</summary>
<dc:date>2021-06-01T00:00:00Z</dc:date>
</entry>
</feed>
