http://hdl.handle.net/123456789/1764 2026-04-05T23:47:39Z http://hdl.handle.net/123456789/2294 FACTORS UNDERLYING THE TRANSFORMATION OF VIOLENT RADICALISED GROUPS IN THE SOUTH-EAST AND SOUTH-WEST NIGERIA, 2003-2014 EWURUM, Evaristus Chidi Globally, violent radicalised groups (VRGs) pose a threat to national security. Oodua Peoples‟ Congress (OPC) and the Movement for the Actualisation of Sovereign State of Biafra (MASSOB) who initially emerged as groups set up to fight against perceived marginalisation and insecurity in South-West and South-East regions later got metamorphosed into violent radicalised groups threatening the national security. OPC on its own has a history of violence with recorded cases of clashes and violence with Nigeria‟s security agencies (Nigeria Police and Army) at Arepo in Ogun State over cases involving oil installations protection, among others. Existing studies on VRGs have largely concentrated on their emergence and proliferation, with little attention paid to factors underlying their transformation. This study, therefore, was designed towards examining the factors that led to transformation of OPC and MASSOB to VRGs, the interface with security agents in the process of transformation, the political economy that influenced the transformation and perceived influence of the groups from 2003 to 2014 in the South-East and South-West, Nigeria. Social Movement, Political Economy and Dollard‟s Frustration-Aggression theories served as the framework, while an exploratory survey design was adopted. Primary and secondary data were obtained. South-East and South-West Nigeria were purposively selected as the homelands of OPC and MASSOB respectively. A sample of 452 respondents was drawn using Cochran‟s (1977) sample size formula. A structured questionnaire was conveniently administered to community members in Lagos, Ijebu-Ode, Osogbo, Ibadan, Awka, Aba, Onitsha, Owerri and Enugu, the instrument covered all the research objectives and was complemented by in-depth interviews and focused group discussions. Ten In-Depth Interviews got conducted with four community leaders, two each zone and six youth leaders, three each from each zone. Six focus group discussions, three each from each zone were held with youth associations. Secondary data were obtained from journals, newspaper reports, internet sources and other relevant publications. Data gathered were content analysed. The OPC and MASSOB were transformed into VRGs as a result of politics of ethnicity and agitation for regional sovereignty. MASSOB was basically formed to advance the interest of the Igbo (53.5%), OPC was reported as ethnic movement (56.0%). It was discovered from the qualitative data that the long term political marginalisation compounded with Nigeria law enforcement agencies‟ reaction to their conducts accounted for transformation of the groups into VGRs. Law enforcement crackdowns on the groups (63.0%), repressive nature of the state (51.0%) and arrest of their leaders triggered the transformation to VRGs. Relatedly, „growing poverty‟ and stiffening economic realities contributed to the radicalisation of the youth wings of the groups thus posed threats to live and political stability in the country. Despite the transformation to VRGs, 45.0% opined that OPC had been very helpful in securing lives and property in the South-West, while 67.0% indicated that MASSOB had been effective in the sensitisation for the actualization of the Biafra state. The perceived ethnic or tribal marginalisation with political agitation of the Yoruba and Igbo ethnic groups were pivotal in the transformation of OPC and MASSOB to violent radicalised groups from 2003 to 2014 in the Southwestern and Southeastern regions of Nigeria. There is the need to build reliable democratic process for inclusive representations of all geopolitical zones in Nigeria. 2021-10-01T00:00:00Z http://hdl.handle.net/123456789/2109 EFFECTS OF OIL EXPLOITATION ON FAMILIES IN OGULAGHA KINGDOM, DELTA STATE, NIGERIA RAJI, Ganiyu Alade Oil exploitation has occasioned environmental degradation, conflicts, restiveness and insecurity in the Niger Delta region with resultant effects on family lives in particular and human security in general. Extant studies have focused more on environmental degradation, communal conflicts over land and violent agitations over allocation of oil revenues among members at communal level than on effects of oil exploitation particularly at family level in Ogulagha Kingdom. This study, therefore, was designed to examine the effects of oil exploitation on families in Ogulagha Kingdom, Delta State, Nigeria, with a view to determining how their livelihood, education and health were affected. The Radcliffe Brown’s Structural Functionalism was used as the framework, while the mixed methods design was adopted. Convenience sampling was used to select 230 respondents to whom a self-designed questionnaire was administered. Purposive sampling technique was used to select 20 family heads, 10 community chiefs, 10 community opinion leaders, 10 representatives of youth groups and eight representatives of women association, the Chairman of Burutu Local Government Area and the traditional ruler of Ogulagha Kingdom with whom in-depth interviews were conducted. Key informant interviews were conducted, four each, with members of staff of Shell Petroleum Development Company and Nigerian Agip Oil Company, Niger Delta Development Commission and Delta State Oil Producing Areas Development Commission. They also included two officials of the Nigerian National Petroleum Corporation, two medical doctors, four officials of federal and state agencies on environmental impact assessment in Delta State. Eight Focus Group Discussions were held, one each, among the largest associations of men, women, boys and girls. Relevant reports and publications on the activities of government agencies and multinational companies were used to generate secondary data. Quantitative data were analysed using descriptive statistics, while qualitative data were contentanalysed. Prior to oil exploitation, families in Ogulagha Kingdom flourished economically through fishing, farming, salt making, trade by barter, canoe carving and gin distillation among others. Oil exploitation activities led to poor livelihood and abject poverty. Economically, fishing (63.3%), a major means of livelihood for families diminished to 3.4%, and only made possible with modern fishing boats, which an average fisherman could not afford. Farming (17.8%), another source of sustenance for families dwindled to 2.6% owing to severe gas pollution. Families were further affected by health-related challenges, such as body itching, skin rashes, chronic cough, catarrh, diarrhea and cancer. Other societal effects included high rate of school dropout, prostitution among young ladies and incessant conflicts between the youths and oil companies. Palliative measures from government and oil companies in form of financial largesse and social amenities were inadequate to address the situation. Oil exploitation in the Niger Delta depleted families in Ogulagha Kingdom, Nigeria socially, economically and health wise. Government agencies at all strata and multinational companies should develop well-targeted interventions at household level as well as resuscitate primary health care programme and provide social amenities to mitigate the negative effects of oil exploitation. 2023-06-01T00:00:00Z http://hdl.handle.net/123456789/2107 WOMEN’S POLITICAL REPRESENTATION IN HOUSES OF ASSEMBLY OF SELECTED STATES IN SOUTHWESTERN NIGERIA, 1999-2019 ADEBAYO, Adedeji Victor Democracy drives social development and enhances political participation. Women in Nigeria remain underrepresented in all levels of politics, especially the legislature. Existing studies have focused largely on Women’s Political Representation (WPR) at the national level, with little consideration given to state’s legislature and its contributions to women’s issues. This study was, therefore, designed to assess WPR in southwestern Nigeria from 1999 to 2019, a period that falls after the Beijing Platform for Action in 1995 and the beginning of Nigeria nascent democracy. Factors that influence the selection of women into legislative Committees, women’s contributions to lawmaking with reference to women’s issues and constituency services were also examined. Anne Phillips’ Politics of Presence Theory was adopted as the framework, while exploratory and case study designs were used. Houses of Assembly (HoAs) in Ekiti (EKSHA), Lagos (LSHA) and Ogun (OGSHA) states were purposively selected based on more representation of female lawmakers than others. Purposive sampling technique was used to select 63 respondents. Key Informant Interviews were conducted with 18 lawmakers (15 females and three males), 21 party leaders and nine gender activists, based on their positions as constitutional representatives of the people, importance to political recruitment, and knowledge of women issues, respectively. In-depth Interviews were conducted with nine legislative support staff and six members of the Executive arm of government. Legislative and constituency records, as well as newspaper reports and journal articles, provided the secondary data. Data were thematically analysed. Only the LSHA had female representatives among the three HoAs as of 1999. The situation however improved when a female became the Speaker in OGSHA in 2003. The level of WPR in EKSHA rose from one in 2003 to four in 2011 and 2019. In LSHA, WPR witnessed a decline from seven in 2011 to three in 2019. In OGSHA, WPR maintained a steady increase from one in 2003 to four in 2019. However, these numerical increases fell below the number required as tipping point for women’s effective representation. Female representatives in the HoAs featured prominently in Committees normatively associated with women, such as women affairs, poverty alleviation, health, information, education and finance. Lawmakers’ policy preferences, academic backgrounds, as well as professional and legislative experience, were identified as factors that influenced selection of women into the Committees. Out of the 34 female representatives who served in the HoAs, only four (two in OGSHA, and one each in EKSHA and LSHA) sponsored bills, though none addressed women-specific issues. Constituency services carried out by female representatives revealed their policy preferences for health, education, women empowerment and financial support for widows and the elderly. Women’s political representation in Houses of Assembly in southwestern Nigeria from 1999 to 2019 was low with minimal impact on women’s issues. Hence, there is the need for women to contribute more to legislative policymaking. 2023-06-01T00:00:00Z http://hdl.handle.net/123456789/2105 OMU INSTITUTION AND PEACEMAKING IN ANIOMA KINGDOM, DELTA STATE, NIGERIA AKINPELU-AYODELE, Immaculate Nneamaka Traditional institutions play prominent roles in conflict management and peacemaking processes in Nigeria. In Anioma Kingdom, Omu is recognised as the head of women and the only female allowed in Izu-ani (council of elders). Previous studies have examined the religious, transgender, political and economic aspects of Omu, with little attention paid to its peacemaking role. This study, therefore, examined the Omu institution in Anioma Kingdom, with a view to determining its influence in peacemaking, mechanisms adopted in achieving peace in its domains, and factors affecting the discharge of its peacemaking role. The Yoruba Omoluabi and the Zulu Ubuntu concepts of peace served as the framework, while the case study design was utilised. Primary and Secondary data were used. Two local government areas in Delta State, namely Oshimili North and Oshimili South, were purposively selected owing to the existence of well-structured institutions. Four communities (Okpanam, Asaba, Ibusa and Akwukwu-Igbo) were purposively selected owing to the presence of functional and sitting Omu. In-depth interviews were conducted with Ndi-Omu (4), Otu-Omu (6), Ndi-Eze (3), and Ndi-dibia (2). Key informant interviews were conducted with Ndi-Olinzele (6), Divisional Police Officers (2), Officers of the State Community Development Unit (2), an officer each from the Ministries of Culture and Tourism, Local Government and Chieftaincy Affairs and Women and Social Development, three adult males and three females. Focus group discussions were also conducted with Ndi-Oza (untitled men), Ikoho azu afia (market women) and umu-ikoloobia (youths). Secondary data were obtained from relevant publications, such as Emeka Esogbue’s A Short History of Omu. The data were analysed using a narrative approach. The Omu institution consists of biological daughters of Anioma decent selected from Umu-Omu (Omu family’s lineage) through Igba afa (divination) to serve the clan. Selection into Omu is through Ebo-nna (paternal home). Its key roles in Anioma Kingdom as Nne-obodo (mother of the clan), Onyeisi-afia (market leader) and Anya ndi mmo (eyes of the gods/spiritual guardians) to the community underlie its influence in peacemaking processes. Peacemaking mechanisms adopted in settling communal conflicts, such as Ije-alilio mgbayalli, Ido-akanti, Ida-nha, Itegbama-egwu and Ihoaka look simple, but they have helped sustain peace in various communities in the Kingdom. The peacemaking activities of the Omu institution have been affected by the cost of initiation into the Omu society and non-recognition of the mediatory role of the institution by the state government. Despite the challenges faced by this institution, more eligible persons enrolled as members of the soceity as a result of eminence and respect accorded to the institution. The peacemaking roles of the Omu institution have helped in engendering and sustaining peace in Anioma Kingdom of Delta State, Nigeria. Therefore, the Omu institution should be strengthened by giving it constitutional roles and financial support to reduce the high cost of installation of members. 2023-07-01T00:00:00Z